7/16/2014
Internal contradictions already wreaking havoc – and that will continue to do so – within the own chavismo have made possible that crimes against the people’s property can be prosecuted again. Just think of the most recent complaints by Jorge Giordani and Edmée Betancourt on the multi-million dollar theft of Cadivi funds, as well as the public letters of the own Giordani and Héctor Navarro on the use of the national budget for evil purposes that indicate the abundance of possibilities for the reopening of the “corrupt hunting season” and the need for fresh and fearless hunters, such as those people at the MUD opposition party, pure breed “dogs” for that kind of business
By TalCual
For many years during the so-called “Fourth Republic,” complaints on administrative corruption were one of the fundamental figures of Venezuela’s national political life. It had several primary functions: to allow shrewd politicians getting promoted, solving corruption cases sometimes at the speed of light; for selling more newspapers and other related media stuff; but, above all, for sowing discord between politicians. Back then, every politician was guilty until proved otherwise – and all of them strived not to be placed in the dock of a court of law.
The latter was meant to give neoliberalism a greater glory and the bourgeoisie a direct power over everything, but that ultimately produced the opposite: the fierce Hugo Chávez. The so-called “Eternal Commander” boarded that ship and took it deep in space.
He didn’t say anything else in the campaign that led him to the presidency in 1998. But once he achieved the goal, and when the electoral majorities expected that big summary trials would throw thousands of sinners in jail – and maybe some of them would be sent to the gallows or a similar fate – nothing ever happened.
Absolutely nothing. Well, maybe three or four very personal vendettas that simply became a scare. Which is certainly an enigma we don’t even have a reasonable hypothesis for. But that’s the way it was.
It didn’t take too many years for us to realize that in this $100-per-barrel country, an utmost secrecy and arbitrariness on the basic economic movements and the constitutional powers handed over to the “One” was producing the biggest corruption in contemporary history.
The signs of the atrocious orgy were very visible: the so-called Bolivarian bourgeoisie going unpunished for its acts of corruption, government officials who became filthy stinking rich overnight, a criminal nepotism, one or two leaked reports with compromising information, an evident absence of a Comptroller, lethal expropriations, an economic downturn in spite of Venezuela’s abundance of resources... but, paradoxically, that curious trade of “corrupt hunters” appeared to be extinct by now, even the subject of theft of public funds turned out to be of minor importance despite the myriad of crises in all our history, whether these were real or imaginary. A curious and costly vacuum that was left in any case.
Now then, the internal contradictions already wreaking havoc – and that will continue to do so – within the own chavismo have made possible that crimes against the people’s property can be prosecuted again.
Just think of the most recent complaints by Jorge Giordani (the former Planning Minister) and Edmée Betancourt (who was at the helm of the central bank until last year) on the multi-million dollar theft of Cadivi funds, as well as the public letters of the own Giordani and Héctor Navarro (a strongman back in Chávez’s era) on the use of the national budget for evil purposes that indicate the abundance of possibilities for the reopening of the “corrupt hunting season” and the need for fresh and fearless hunters, such as those people at the MUD opposition party, pure breed “dogs” for that kind of business.
Of course we must be clear that the struggle is now fierce, because the “prey” is currently fighting for its survival and has a wide range of deadly weapons at hand, from corrupt judges, several muzzled media, the absence of a Comptroller, to a civic-military union, the last frontier whose cohesion serves in part to achieve those self-protection purposes.
Internal contradictions already wreaking havoc – and that will continue to do so – within the own chavismo have made possible that crimes against the people’s property can be prosecuted again. Just think of the most recent complaints by Jorge Giordani and Edmée Betancourt on the multi-million dollar theft of Cadivi funds, as well as the public letters of the own Giordani and Héctor Navarro on the use of the national budget for evil purposes that indicate the abundance of possibilities for the reopening of the “corrupt hunting season” and the need for fresh and fearless hunters, such as those people at the MUD opposition party, pure breed “dogs” for that kind of business
By TalCual
For many years during the so-called “Fourth Republic,” complaints on administrative corruption were one of the fundamental figures of Venezuela’s national political life. It had several primary functions: to allow shrewd politicians getting promoted, solving corruption cases sometimes at the speed of light; for selling more newspapers and other related media stuff; but, above all, for sowing discord between politicians. Back then, every politician was guilty until proved otherwise – and all of them strived not to be placed in the dock of a court of law.
The latter was meant to give neoliberalism a greater glory and the bourgeoisie a direct power over everything, but that ultimately produced the opposite: the fierce Hugo Chávez. The so-called “Eternal Commander” boarded that ship and took it deep in space.
He didn’t say anything else in the campaign that led him to the presidency in 1998. But once he achieved the goal, and when the electoral majorities expected that big summary trials would throw thousands of sinners in jail – and maybe some of them would be sent to the gallows or a similar fate – nothing ever happened.Absolutely nothing. Well, maybe three or four very personal vendettas that simply became a scare. Which is certainly an enigma we don’t even have a reasonable hypothesis for. But that’s the way it was.
It didn’t take too many years for us to realize that in this $100-per-barrel country, an utmost secrecy and arbitrariness on the basic economic movements and the constitutional powers handed over to the “One” was producing the biggest corruption in contemporary history.
The signs of the atrocious orgy were very visible: the so-called Bolivarian bourgeoisie going unpunished for its acts of corruption, government officials who became filthy stinking rich overnight, a criminal nepotism, one or two leaked reports with compromising information, an evident absence of a Comptroller, lethal expropriations, an economic downturn in spite of Venezuela’s abundance of resources... but, paradoxically, that curious trade of “corrupt hunters” appeared to be extinct by now, even the subject of theft of public funds turned out to be of minor importance despite the myriad of crises in all our history, whether these were real or imaginary. A curious and costly vacuum that was left in any case.
Now then, the internal contradictions already wreaking havoc – and that will continue to do so – within the own chavismo have made possible that crimes against the people’s property can be prosecuted again.
Just think of the most recent complaints by Jorge Giordani (the former Planning Minister) and Edmée Betancourt (who was at the helm of the central bank until last year) on the multi-million dollar theft of Cadivi funds, as well as the public letters of the own Giordani and Héctor Navarro (a strongman back in Chávez’s era) on the use of the national budget for evil purposes that indicate the abundance of possibilities for the reopening of the “corrupt hunting season” and the need for fresh and fearless hunters, such as those people at the MUD opposition party, pure breed “dogs” for that kind of business.
Of course we must be clear that the struggle is now fierce, because the “prey” is currently fighting for its survival and has a wide range of deadly weapons at hand, from corrupt judges, several muzzled media, the absence of a Comptroller, to a civic-military union, the last frontier whose cohesion serves in part to achieve those self-protection purposes.
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